Department of Medicine, Vanderbilt University Medical Center, Nashville, Tennessee, and Department of Psychology, Georgetown University;
Belinda Campos
Department of Chicano/Latino Studies, University of California, Irvine
Michelle N. Shiota
Department of Psychology, Arizona State University
Yulia E. Chentsova-Dutton
Department of Psychology, Georgetown University
Acknowledgement:
One of the key functions of emotion lies in helping humans to build and maintain social relationships (
Cultures vary in their norms for how relationships are structured and conceptualized. To date, much of the research in this area has focused on two primary ways of defining the self in relation to others: interdependence and independence (e.g.,
People preferentially value emotions that align with culturally shared values and facilitate culturally appropriate relationships (
Past research on cultural variation in emotion has most frequently focused on East Asian cultures as exemplars of contexts where interdependent selves and collectivist cultural norms predominate and on European American cultures as exemplars of contexts where independent selves and individualist norms predominate. In East Asian cultural contexts, balanced and moderate emotional experience is valued (
In more individualist European American contexts, a dominant goal is to maximize positive emotions and minimize negative emotions (
Increasingly, research suggests there may be many ways for emotion values to align with collectivist cultural norms and an interdependent self-concept (
Like East Asian cultures, Latin American cultures tend to be more collectivist than European American culture, and people in the former cultures more strongly endorse an interdependent view of the self (
Consistent with this relational style, positive emotions are viewed as highly desirable in Latin American contexts (
In the current study, we measured emotion values among people of Latino, Asian, and European heritage currently living in the United States. Throughout the article, we refer to these groups as people of Latino heritage (PLH), people of Asian heritage (PAH), and people of European heritage (PEH).
Our primary goal was to test whether the overall pattern of emotion values among PLH significantly differed from the better-studied patterns of emotion norms found among PAH and PEH. Specifically, we tested whether values endorsed by PLH were consistent with simpatía and differed from those of other groups as hypothesized based on expected patterns for each group. Primary study hypotheses focused on cultural differences in positive and negative emotion values. Within valence categories, we assessed emotion values across the domains of desirability and appropriateness because, as described previously, an emotional response may be situationally appropriate but undesirable or desirable but inappropriate. We also assessed both emotional experience and expression values because it is possible to value the experience but not the expression of an emotion, or vice versa.
Hypotheses for positive emotion values
People in Latin and European American contexts are thought to view the experience and expression of positive emotions (e.g., excitement, affection, interest; see “Measures” section) as highly desirable and socially normative (i.e., appropriate), whereas the experience and expression of positive emotions are regarded more ambivalently in East Asian cultures. Therefore, hypothesized differences in positive emotion values were as follows:
Desirability of experience and expression:
Appropriateness of experience and expression:
Due to the relevance of positive, socially engaging emotions (e.g., compassion, affection) in defining simpatía, it was possible that PLH would rate this subset of emotions as especially desirable and appropriate, a possibility we explored in a supplementary analysis.
Hypotheses for negative emotion values
We expected values related to negative emotions (e.g., anger, sadness, shame; see “Measures” section) to more strongly diverge across desirability and appropriateness. People in Latin and European American contexts are thought to view negative emotional experience and expression as highly undesirable, whereas people in East Asian contexts tend to see negative emotions as somewhat less undesirable. However, negative emotional experience and expression are viewed as less socially normative (i.e., appropriate) among people in Latin American and East Asian cultural contexts, whereas authenticity is more highly valued among European Americans. Therefore, hypothesized differences in negative emotion values were as follows:
Desirability of experience and expression:
Appropriateness of experience and expression:
Our second goal was to test whether group differences in patterns of emotion values could be reasonably attributed to culture. To do so, we leveraged respondents’ varying levels of acculturation to U.S. culture. We reexamined emotion values among PLH and PAH respondents who reported high versus low orientations toward U.S. culture and, in supplemental analyses, among PLH and PAH born in versus outside the United States and reporting high versus low orientation toward their heritage culture. We hypothesized that group differences would be attenuated among PLH and PAH who were highly oriented to U.S. culture, born in the United States, and less highly oriented to their heritage culture.
Our third goal was to test whether cultural groups differed in the extent to which they reported differential values for emotional experience versus emotional expression. As discussed earlier, prior evidence suggests these three cultures emphasize emotional control to differing degrees, with PLH tending to value open expression of positive but not negative emotions, whereas PEH tend to value open expression of positive and negative emotions, and PAH tend to value controlled expression of positive and negative emotions. We therefore hypothesized that PLH and PEH would value positive emotional experience and expression equally, whereas PAH would value positive emotional experience more highly than its expression. In contrast, we hypothesized that PLH and PAH would value negative emotional experience more highly than its expression, whereas PEH would value negative emotional experience and expression equally.
Participants were recruited from three universities in western, southwestern, and south-Atlantic regions of the United States using participant pools for human subjects research that were open to all eligible students. To be eligible for inclusion in the current study, PEH had to self-report being White/Caucasian and born in the United States; PAH had to self-report being of Chinese, Japanese, or Korean heritage; and PLH had to report being of Mexican or other Latin American heritage. Respondents who reported being multiracial/ethnic were not included in analyses. Of the 2,637 respondents who completed the survey, 660 (25%) were excluded because they failed at least one of three attention/comprehension checks, 396 (15%) because they did not meet eligibility criteria, and 20 (1%) due to missing data, yielding an analytic sample of 1,561 participants (see
All PEH (n = 446) reported being White/Caucasian. The majority of PLH identified as being of Mexican heritage (n = 530, 80%), with 86 (13%) reporting another Latin American heritage (e.g., Guatemalan, El Salvadoran) and 43 (6.5%) reporting a combination of these. PAH identified as being of Chinese (n = 318, 70%), Korean (n = 110, 24%), or Japanese (n = 18, 3.9%) heritage or a combination of these (n = 10, 2.2%). Participants in each cultural group were more likely to be female than male. PLH were more likely than PAH or PEH to be female (χ
Ethical approval was obtained from the institutional review boards at all three universities. Participants completed surveys online in exchange for partial course credit. To comprehensively capture whether patterns of emotion values were consistent with simpatía among PLH, the survey asked about the desirability of experiencing and the desirability of expressing specific emotions, followed by the appropriateness of experiencing and the appropriateness of expressing emotions. Emotion terms within each scale were presented in random order. To maximize data quality, the survey included three attention checks instructing participants to select a designated response (i.e., “Choose ‘Strongly Agree’”). Participants that did not select the instructed response were excluded from analyses. Participants were also asked about other aspects of their emotional lives, cultural values, and personalities that were not analyzed for the present research. The full survey instrument is available in Appendix 1 in the online supplemental materials. Participation took approximately 40 min.
Emotion values
Four scales adapted from
Acculturation
Orientation to U.S. culture was measured using a shortened version of the Anglo Orientation subscale of the shortened Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans (ARSMA-II,
Orientation to heritage culture
We assessed bilingualism among PLH and PAH as an indicator of orientation to their heritage culture. Participants reported whether they, their parents, or their grandparents spoke a language other than English at home and, if yes, identified the language spoken at home. A majority of both PLH and PAH reported that they did speak a second language at home (95% PLH, 88% PAH). Six items then assessed participants’ use of their heritage-culture language in everyday life (e.g., “I speak this language with friends and acquaintances,” “I think in this language”). Items were rated on a 4-point scale (1 = False, 4 = True). Cronbach’s alpha was acceptable among PLH (α = .83) and PAH (α = .81). On average, both groups reported high use of a heritage-culture language (PAH: mean [M] = 3.15, standard deviation [SD] = .73; PLH: M = 3.28, SD = .64), with PLH reporting significantly greater second-language use than PAH, t(1,046) = 3.03, p = .002.
Preliminary analyses
Because emotion words may differ in meaning across cultural contexts, we first conducted preliminary factor analyses on the reported desirability of experiencing, desirability of expressing, appropriateness of experiencing, and appropriateness of expressing emotions (four analyses total) in each of the three cultural contexts. We forced 2-factor solutions based on a rich body of literature emphasizing the distinction between positive and negative emotions (
Primary analyses
Data were analyzed using a 3 × 2 × 2 × 2 mixed-model ANOVA to predict ratings of emotion values. Culture (PLH, PAH, PEH) was entered as a between-subjects factor, whereas emotion valence (positive, negative), value type (desirability, appropriateness), and response type (feeling, expression) were entered as within-subjects variables. To test whether the overall pattern of emotion values among PLH significantly differed from patterns among PAH and PEH, we examined the 4-way interaction among culture and emotion valence, response type, and value type—which would suggest distinct patterns of emotion values existed across cultural contexts.
Cultural differences in emotion values
To test whether values endorsed by PLH were consistent with simpatía and differed from other groups as hypothesized, we used post hoc means comparisons to decompose complex interaction effects. We did not test all possible comparisons, instead focusing only on comparisons that tested study hypotheses. Thus, we report test statistics for comparisons between emotion values among PLH and those of PAH and PEH, but not between PAH and PEH emotion values. This yielded a total of 16 between-group contrasts (PLH vs. PEH and PLH vs. PAH: 2 valence × 2 value type × 2 response type). Bonferroni adjustments for multiple hypothesis testing were made in all post hoc analyses, with a critical p-value of .05/16 = .003.
Stratified acculturation analyses
To test the extent to which observed group differences in emotion values can be attributed to culture, we repeated the previously described analyses using samples of PLH and PAH stratified based on their orientation to U.S. culture. The first model included only PLH and PAH in the lower tertile of scores for orientation toward U.S. culture and all PEH. The second model included only PLH and PAH with scores in the upper tertile for orientation toward U.S. culture and all PEH. We reasoned that theoretically expected patterns would be more likely to emerge when PLH and PAH are less strongly acculturated to U.S. culture. To further test the degree to which cultural differences in emotion values could be attributed to culture, we included additional analyses comparing emotion values among PLH and PAH (a) born in the United States and outside the United States and (b) with high versus low orientation to their heritage culture. These analyses are presented in Appendix 2 in the online supplemental materials.
Comparison of experience and expression values
To test whether groups differed in the extent to which they valued emotional experience versus emotional expression, we used post hoc means comparisons of the primary mixed-model ANOVA. Specifically, we examined the 12 within-group contrasts of experience versus expression (2 valence × 2 value type × 3 groups). The adjusted p-value for these comparisons was .05/12 = .004. All tests reported as significant reflect these more conservative criteria.
Additional analyses
Due to the specific relevance of positive, socially engaging emotions (i.e., gratitude, compassion, affection, and love) in defining simpatía, a supplementary analysis reports our tests for cultural differences in patterns of values related to this subset of positive emotions (see Appendix 3 in the online supplemental materials). The results of this analysis closely resembled those for the analysis that included all positive emotions, which are reported in the following section. An additional analysis included sex (male, female) and its interaction with culture in the model described previously. The 5-way interaction among culture, sex, emotion type, response type, and value type was not significant, nor were any other interactions involving both culture and sex, suggesting the effects of culture described later in the article were not significantly moderated by participants’ sex.
Factor analysis
In each group, the 2 factors reflecting positive and negative emotions explained between 41.47% and 58.54% of the total variance. Factor analyses are reported in detail in Appendix 4 in the online supplemental materials. Based on factor loadings below .4, pride did not load with other positive emotions in any of the three groups’ factor solutions for any set of values, a result that is consistent with past research (
We formed scales using the 10 remaining positive emotions (joy, amusement, awe, interest, excitement, contentment, gratitude, compassion, affection, and love) and 7 remaining negative emotions (fear, anger, disgust, sadness, guilt, shame, and embarrassment). Scales were formed reflecting the desirability of positive emotional experience, positive emotional expression, negative emotional experience, and negative emotional expression. Similarly, we formed scales reflecting the appropriateness of positive emotional experience, positive emotional expression, negative emotional experience, and negative emotional expression. Cronbach’s alphas for each scale for each group were acceptable (αs > .70; see Table 1 in the online supplemental materials).
Correlations among scales
Ratings of the desirability of experiencing, desirability of expressing, appropriateness of experiencing, and appropriateness of expressing positive and negative emotions were correlated to each other in all groups. The desirability and appropriateness of positive emotions were moderately to strongly associated (.39 < rs < .81) in each group, whereas most associations between desirability and appropriateness of negative emotions were small to moderate in size (.14 < rs < .64). The size of the correlation coefficients suggested that the desirability and appropriateness of positive and negative emotional experience and expression could be considered conceptually distinct constructs, especially in the case of negative emotions (see
Significant main effects, 2-way interactions, and 3-way interactions were qualified by a significant, although small, 4-way interaction among culture, emotion valence, response type, and value type, F(2, 1558) = 7.45, p = .001, ηp
Cultural differences in emotion values
In the case of negative emotions, as expected and consistent with simpatía, PLH rated negative emotions as less desirable to experience and express than PAH (ps < .001) and similarly desirable compared with PEH (ps > .05,
Stratified acculturation analyses
An independent-samples t test revealed that PLH (M = 4.53, SD = 0.46) were more oriented to U.S. culture than PAH (M = 4.15, SD = 0.80; t(1,113) = 10.06, p < .001). This is not surprising, given that PAH were more likely to have been born outside the United States.
Low orientation to U.S. culture
In the model including only PLH and PAH with scores in the lower tertile for orientation toward U.S. culture (M ≤ 4.29; 200 PLH, 227 PAH), the results replicated those reported previously. Regarding cultural differences in rated desirability and appropriateness of emotions, each of the 11 statistically significant cultural differences in emotion values described earlier persisted, and no new differences emerged.
High orientation to U.S. culture
In the model including only PLH and PAH with scores in the upper tertile for orientation toward U.S. culture (M ≥ 4.86; 182 PLH, 107 PAH), the results differed substantially from those reported earlier. In this version of the model, all cultural differences in ratings of positive emotion values became nonsignificant, as did differences in ratings of the desirability of experiencing and expressing negative emotions. However, PLH’s ratings of the appropriateness of experiencing negative emotions remained lower than PEH’s ratings. Interestingly, an additional cultural difference emerged in this analysis, with highly acculturated PLH rating negative emotions as less appropriate to experience than highly acculturated PAH (p = .002). It appears that highly acculturated PAH rated negative emotions as more appropriate to experience than did PAH in the full model, whereas ratings among highly acculturated PLH remained similar to those from the full model reported previously. As in the earlier results, groups did not differ in the appropriateness of expressing negative emotions (adjusted ps > .05).
Comparison of experience and expression values
As shown in
Across cultural contexts, positive emotions are more strongly valued than negative emotions, and negative emotions are viewed as more appropriate than desirable. Within this broadly shared pattern, this study found that emotion values among PLH living in the United States differed from those of both PAH and PEH living in the United States and were largely consistent with simpatía. Hypothesized differences between PLH and PAH were supported, consistent with the idea that the cultural model of simpatía promotes a convivial collectivist approach to emotion values that emphasizes positive and de-emphasizes negative emotions. This approach contrasts with the values of emotional moderation and balance more typical of East Asian collectivism. Hypothesized differences between PLH and PEH, however, received mixed support. This research contributes to the literature on emotion by providing some evidence that PLH emotion values are consistent with simpatía, identifying several similarities in emotion values across cultural groups, and detailing key areas of cultural difference in emotion values.
This study is the first to systematically document patterns of emotion values among PLH and to contrast them with the emotion values of PAH and PEH. Our findings add to a growing body of work suggesting that cultural variability in emotion values extends beyond the standard East–West group comparisons that continue to characterize much research on this topic (
Although not the focus of our hypotheses, our data also point to several important commonalities in emotion values across cultures. First, consistent with past work, a very large effect of emotion valence suggested positive emotions are more highly valued than negative emotions in all groups (
Analyses stratified by orientation to U.S. culture further suggest that the observed group differences in emotion values can be attributed to culture. When only highly U.S.-acculturated individuals were included in analyses, emotion values were more similar across cultures; this was especially true of positive emotion values. However, even highly acculturated PLH continued to view experiencing negative emotions as relatively inappropriate. Perhaps this value is especially integral to Latino cultural values and retained across generations in the United States. Maintaining this value may be adaptive for Latinos in the United States and may play a role in successful interactions with diverse partners (
Within-group differences in the value of emotional experience versus expression were very small and largely counter to hypotheses. For example, PEH tended to view negative emotional expression as less appropriate than its experience—an effect that appears to be driven by a heightened sense of the appropriateness of negative emotional experience among PEH. The comparisons between ratings of experience and expression values were intended to capture values related to the open versus controlled expression of emotions and the possibility that this might vary across cultures (e.g.,
The current work fills an important gap in the literature by systematically describing emotion values among Latinos and comparing them to the better-studied patterns of emotion values among PEH and PAH. An important next step in this research is to explore which aspects of cultural group membership explain reported differences in emotion values. Future analyses using these data will examine predictors of cultural variation in emotion values. Future work may also benefit from testing associations among emotion values and various cultural values such as simpatía, which were unmeasured in these data (
These results are likely a conservative test of cultural differences in emotion values. Larger group differences may have emerged had we used data from people living in East Asian or Latin American countries or had we heightened the salience of emotions’ interpersonal benefits and costs by examining emotion values in specific social contexts (e.g., at work, with family). It is also possible that asking about emotion values without specifying the context may have resulted in within-group or between-group variation in the kinds of settings respondents were most likely to consider in reporting their emotion values. For example, if PLH were more likely to think of close friends or family and PEH were more likely to think of acquaintances, this systematic difference in imagined context may explain some variation in the reported emotion values. Finally, our analysis excluded pride because, consistent with past work, the evaluation of pride did not align with other positive emotions (
The current research builds on existing work by testing theoretically driven hypotheses about the values of an understudied group, people of Latino heritage in the United States, and by including multiple components of emotion values in a single study. We found evidence that U.S. Latinos’ emotion values are distinct from those of both PAH and PEH—affirming that there is heterogeneity within cultures that are viewed as collectivistic. Consistent with the cultural model of simpatía, PLH value the experience and expression of positive emotion while simultaneously viewing negative emotions as highly undesirable and inappropriate. Understanding these differences in emotion values is a foundational step toward predicting cultural variation in emotion, which is important to many domains of interest, including close relationships, clinical communication, and conflict resolution. This knowledge can also be helpfully applied to such diverse contexts as the workplace (e.g.,
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Submitted: August 14, 2019 Revised: January 13, 2020 Accepted: January 15, 2020